): 240–256. SANTORAL EN MEXICANO n.d. MS 1476. The “post-modern” intellectual attention that has stressed alterity as the defining epistemological category for understanding the history of the Americas focuses on European experiences and the representation of them (Taussig 1993). The merchants of Italy and Spain were very much opposed to the embargo, and found different ways of bypassing it, although openly breaking it was dangerous and thus to be avoided. It was not the indigenous people’s strength of will, their respect for the traditions of their ancestors, their satisfaction with their own forms of spirituality, and their insistence on self-determination that had led them to accept only a few trappings of the Christian faith; it was their confounded indifference to spiritual enlightenment. 10 Introduction MIGNOLO, WALTER D. 1989 Afterword: From Colonial Discourse to Colonial Semiosis. For modern scholars primordial titles can be eloquent documents, replete with local indigenous lore and rich perspectives on the past (Lockhart 1991). With considerable reluctance, Otazo did so. Another of Alva Ixtlilxochitl’s accounts (1975, pt. 1: chap. Compartir. Editorial Salvador Chavez Hayhoe, Mexico City. Strong feelings about name-calling entered the text written by Guaman Poma (1980: 1018), who was outraged at Spanish snubs to his status and race. In addition, forced resettlement of the native populations and massive population movements to escape labor and head taxes undercut the older identification of language with locality, which had been the basis of the Pre-Columbian system of linguistic and cultural differentiation. See composición proceedings Gante, Pedro de, 163, 375 Gaona, Juan de, 372 Garcilaso de la Vega, 104, 450 genealogy, genealogies, 153, 178, 268. Patrilaterally,Yasali’s offspring represented right, and matrilaterally, power. Ethnohistory 35: 234–256. 8 Inka month of October. An example of such documents and the use of Inkaic symbols can be seen in the tempera painting on parchment (Fig. Virginity, which is viewed with esteem and honor by all men, is deprecated by those barbarians as something vile. 252]: 371–383; Spalding 1984: 168–238), and after protracted debate, a political apparatus based upon principles of indirect rule cum state paternalism was put in place. There is a rhetorical distancing. SALOMON, FRANK, AND GEORGE URIOSTE (TRANS. A comparison of these translations with my own is beyond the scope of this chapter. History and Anthropology 5: 105–141. For a recent assessment of the honor and shame configuration in the Mediterranean, see Gilmore (1987). The stress of Appadurai’s discussion is on the material aspect of the thing in relation to its production and its subsequent transformation in value according to exchange context; I am expanding this slightly to images that may or may not be physically exchanged, but which are circulated, in part, by the act of copying. fol., following fol. In the more detailed study that I am summarizing here, I suggest that the absence of the epithet Unquy was also significant because the hymn was precisely a Taki Unquy, a Pleiades song, drawing on an older tradition of singing to the Pleiades at the time of the interregnum between the end of the lunar year and the rearticulation of lunar and solar calendars by the winter solstice.17 If so, then our understanding of the Taki Unquy millenarian movement needs to be modified considerably. Fondo Histórico y Bibliográfico J. T. Medina, Santiago. James Lockhart (1992: 412) captures the chronological and thematic disjunction that characterizes these records in the example from Soyatzingo: The reference point in time changes abruptly and without explanation, as do speaker and audience, in ways which it would be illusory to try to interpret too exactly. 22), there is no sign of this in Guaman Poma’s vision of the Andes. MENDIETA, FRAY GERÓNIMO DE 1980 Historia eclesiástica indiana ( Joaquín García Icazbalceta, ed.). Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima. So God wants that the maize grows in its time. The partial version, appearing to be the more recent one, includes an increased use of the letter “s” in place of “z.” 211 The Social vs. Legal Context of Nahuatl Títulos Fig. Quiere entrar [for “entrar” as “to grow” see below. The “Motolinía Insert” is an explanation for a now-lost pictographic rendition of the towns tributary to Texcoco. In each act, the varayos (staff-holding officers who exercise traditional authority over community agriculture) call for, receive, write down, and inventory voluntades (“offerings”) from each category of devotee: those fulfilling old vows, those making current offerings, those making promises, and those entering the cult for the first time. Oxford University Press, Delhi. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. ROJAS Y SILVÁ, DAVID 1981 Los Tocapu: Un Programa de Interpretación. For each of the following months, this book of hours depicts an activity appropriate to the season with an accompanying episode illustrating the story of Genesis from the Fall and the expulsion from Eden to God’s cursing of Cain and his descendants; this Old Testament episode in turn is paired with a matching episode from the story of salvation as told in the New Testament.42 In this way, the viewer contemplating the year’s calendar was taken on a journey both through the year’s work and through the content and meaning of human history: a history that began with bliss in paradise, continued with the Fall and its consequences, and culminated in the life of Christ and the mission of the church. One is large (hatun) and immobile while the other is small, for transportation from one place to another. The Codex Osuna lists the goods and services the Nahuas provided for the viceregal government, the church, and members of the Audiencia in the 1550s and 1560s. Here, however, although religious separation remained, especially at the official level, among the urban inhabitants there was a certain religious “bilingualism” as well.The solution adopted in Crete, one of considerable integration and accommodation to the native population, was undoubtedly the result of a combination of factors: 19 Angeliki E. Laiou the relatively small number of immigrants, the relative closeness of the two religions, and the strength of the already existing social structures. Good colonial government would rest on legitimate political hierarchy, while its success ultimately depended on preserving strict boundaries between society’s constituent groups. 83, part 7. One of the most resented measures taken by Toledo, with Matienzo’s connivance, had prohibited forwarding on appeal to the peninsula of Andean cases heard at the Charcas court.Thousands of pages and transcripts of cases pending 8 Details in legajo 844A of Escribanía de Cámara, Archivo General de Indias, Seville. However, singing and dancing as such were not discouraged, and song texts such as those of the Psalmodia christiana (Sahagún 1583) were provided as substitutes for the disapproved texts. writes: “Estos vasos [keros and aquillas] los había tocado con la mano y con los labios, los tenían los curacas en grandísima veneracion, como a cosa sagrada; no bebían en ellos ni los tocaban, sino que los ponían como a ídolos donde los adoraban en memoria y revererncia de su Inca que les había tocado . 9 Elizabeth Hill Boone BIBLIOGRAPHY ADORNO, ROLENA, AND WALTER D. MIGNOLO (EDS.) For example, Avila’s (Taylor 1987; Salomon and Urioste 1991) informants recount that the inhabitants of the region of the central coast attended the fiestas of the god Pariacaca in the sierra of Huarochirí. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City. About fifty flank the cross facing the lake, with the ceremonial mesa or offering “table” (a cloth) before them, and some fifty women sit facing the men. The principal sign of the zodiac is Sagittarius, depicted, along with seasonal activities, at the top. In Cultura andina y represión: Procesos y visitas de idolatrías y hechicerías, Cajatambo, siglo XVII (Pierre Duviols, ed. TAYLOR, GERALD 1987 Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochirí del siglo XVII. Scholars from a number of perspectives, many drawing on contemporary cultural theory and pursuing new modes of analysis, are looking much more than before into seemingly banal administrative papers and into texts that earlier had been considered minor. See calendar, Inka months: January Audiencia, audiencia of Charcas, 57, 59, 60 papers, 59 of Mexico (New Spain), 156, 157, 168, 190, 247, 375 of Quito, 107 de los Reyes (Lima), 350 Augustinians. With twinned concerns for the integrity of lineage and property, Spanish tenets of ancestral purity—“blood” unsullied by Jew, Moor, or bastardy—determined social possibilities in Castile and its dominions.9 As Spain’s inquisitional history makes clear, Iberian identities were obsessed by legitimacy, ancestry, and social boundaries (Kamen 1985: 61, 115–133, 220, 224, 235; Elliott 1963: 212–248). 353 María Rostworowski Like the image of El Señor de los Milagros or Cristo Morado, both images of the Virgin are dark-skinned and are often called Vírgenes morenas, whose Pre-Columbian roots would not be difficult to recognize in the minds of Native Americans. . And the rivers cannot be crossed in any way because God sends them in his fury and we must not tempt God; entering the river which sweeps away mountains is like tempting God or wanting to drown oneself. Written texts had to be carefully examined by friars literate in Nahuatl and the native assistants whom they trusted. 1984 Mexican Pictorial Cadastral Registers: An Analysis of the Códice de Santa María Asunción and the Codex Vergara. 80 Family Values in Seventeenth-Century Peru like their mortal compatriots, betrayed Andeans with false promises to defend their well-being. Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif. LÓPEZ AVILA, CARLOS 1982 Malacachtepec Momoxco: Historia legendaria de Milpa Alta. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Mendieta (1971: 145) and Las Casas (1967, 1: 497) follow Motolinía’s description. Even though the friars are on the scene, marching in the processions and conducting the masses, the boundary between “us” and “them” is carefully maintained. In Ms 2 (1): 88–89. The Huarochirí Manuscript (and Quechua in general) adopts a simpler and more radical solu3 Barry Sell, in his ongoing doctoral dissertation research on ecclesiastical imprints in Nahuatl, has found well over one hundred loan verbs present in one way or another in the published writings of an eighteenth-century priest and Nahuatl grammarian working in the Guadalajara region. Búscanos en nuestra pagina de facebook como @CookingClassesbyGreenPoint y síguenos así obtendrás toda la información. 28 The manuscript in question was the “map in the form of a book,” with twenty leaves of “one finger’s thickness,” written in Nahuatl. One visita (official visit, investigation, survey) made by a Don Pablo González, indigenous juez, in the Valley of Toluca, seems to have provided information later incorporated into the primordial titles of San Pedro Totoltepec.This latter document has recently surfaced and clearly belongs to the Techialoyan genre. Fernando Cervantes (1994: 64) comments on the strong impact of Christian historicity on the formation of corporate identities in colonial Mexico. Cosmogonies, which might fit better with the religious manuscripts, explained the formation of the previous and present world.7 The more secular histories told how the present inhabitants came to be the way they were and in the process explained their relationships with neighboring peoples. 36 Colonial Inka child’s unku, 17th century. 191 Elizabeth Hill Boone PICTORIAL DOCUMENTS AND VISUAL THINKING The preconquest tradition of manuscript painting survived because the paintings contained information that was valuable to both Nahua and Spaniard in the sixteenth century. CONCOLORCORVO (ALONSO CARRIO DE LA VANDERA?) . Fig. It was not to a deaf people I said this, for immediately they began to bring so many writings with their sins that I could not attend to all of them” (quoted from Robertson 1959: 54).20 Diego Durán (1971: 64–65) shows us how important the pictorial imagery was in recalling the past. 2nd ed. Private collection. The same interplay between symmetrical reversals and asymmetrical unfolding is found in the sound 405 Bruce Mannheim as in the images. At this time, several books on sacred images were published in Europe, including one that established “the rules of the new Christian iconography” and a catechism that contained sixty-seven figures “in order to instruct the illiterate . Late-sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Peruvian texts placed explicit constraints on sexual relations. Mendieta asserts that the dances the native people performed at their Christian celebrations were kept separate from the processions in order to preserve due solemnity (1980: 430–431). It is true that a word such as tzimin, “tapir,” for “horse,” puts us in mind of Nahuatl maçatl, “deer,” for the same animal, a prominent feature of Stage 1 among the Nahuas (Lockhart 1992: 270–272). THE NAHUA CASE I will not enter into any detail here, because, on the one hand, I have been expounding the evolution of the Nahuas for a few years now, and have done so at length in a pair of books I recently published (Lockhart 1991, 1992), so that 33 James Lockhart the essence of the matter may well already have reached the ears of the reader; and, on the other hand, a full analysis would be far too lengthy. .” (my emphasis) (Garcilaso de la Vega 1919, 2: 192). And although few Andeans could afford the kinds of aquillas and silver plates from the Atocha, the images found on them are precisely those that proliferated in the Andes on keros and traditional garments that circulated primarily within native communities.55 For example, the figure blowing the horn on the Atocha aquilla is adapted to painted keros, the wooden equivalent of an aquilla (Fig. ANDREWS, J. RICHARD, AND ROSS HASSIG (EDS.) 277 Frank Salomon Fig. And it is true that there are not persons designated for this, but that all participate of their own will, and they also bring precious feathers, for which they ask permission of the owners for using them. Following on a preceding scene with a series of dates ending in 1406, the scene in question is virtually identical in both documents, the Codex Ríos and the Codex Telleriano-Remensis (Fig. It will be made so we can free ourselves of the Spaniards, so they will not dishonor us or take something from us, nor will our priests afflict us. In 28 This ritual might have attracted Guaman Poma’s attention since there existed an Andean ritual of painting doorposts with sacrificial blood, to wit the doorposts of burial sites, on the occasion of the anniversaries of one’s deceased relative; see Duviols (1986: 19, 20): “quando venian [a] hacerles el cabo de ano matabam llamas y la sangre se la ofrecian a los difuntos y quemabam sebo maiz coca cuies con que los incensabam y que esa era la causa de estar las puertas llenas de sangre. VETANCURT, FRAY AGUSTÍN DE 1971 Teatro mexicano: Crónica de la provincia del Santo Evangelio de México. In Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de Ibero-América, vol. 3 See, for example, the special issues of two journals edited by Adorno and Mignolo (1989) and Jara and Spadaccini (1989). The friars soon found that preaching “fire and brimstone” got them nowhere. . Earlier problems of language interference had given way to smoothly functioning strategies of borrowing and calques of certain constructions, with pictorial elements being dropped in favor of running text. . In it the Andean lords trace their lineages four or five generations back, when the Inka were alleged to have granted their ancestors lavish textiles and wives from court: “we were the dukes and the marquesses of this realm.” They offered to assume additional duties at the Potosí mines but did not care to be assigned only labor-recruiting duties. In this sense these colonial figural motifs refer to the objects as “proof ” of the existence of tradition, a visual remembering. 5 Most of this material comes from the Justicia legajo 465, a three-volume manuscript record of the litigation in Mexico, Archivo General de Indias, Seville. 14: 281– 296. The juxtaposition serves to highlight the contrast between pagan and Christian while emphasizing the ethnic boundary between Indian and non-Indian. For example, the gold and silver images of llamas that accompanied the procession of the Inka ruler during the celebration of the winter solstice stood for the llamas that had emerged with the first Inkas from the cave of Pacaritambo (Molina 1943: 28). Peru’s idol smashers were well aware that the Counter Reformation campaign was a rehearsal for efforts in the Americas; and clerics, comparing the Old World with the New World, were especially attuned to Spain’s more “barbarous” and “vile” inhabitants (Arriaga 1919: xxxi, 3–4). University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. 2 vols. LEMOINE VILLICANA, ERNESTO 1961 Visita, congregación y mapa de Amecameca de 1599. Animap quim can callpan, las tres potencias del alma. For Ocoyoacac: AGN T 2998, 3: 18r (“gentilestlaca”), 28r (“tigentilestlaca”), and 29r (“Jetileztlaca”). Sunicancha did not explain the reason to the Spanish judge, and we would not know either had not the Quechua manuscript informed us that Cristóbal Chauca Huaman was the person through whose ancestors the Concha’s rights continued those of ancient pre-Concha possessors. Don Baltasar, ruler of Culhuacan, was charged before Bishop Juan de Zumárraga with hiding idols in nearby caves. As colonial objects, their cultural expressions had to be constructed as both different and inferior. Maya lore came together with material appropriated from Spanish sources in the Maya Books of Chilam Balam, which were syncretic works to be passed hand-to-hand, updated from time to time, and read aloud to others.Woe befell anyone caught with such a work in his hands. In all of these cases, the pertinent variables included technological and military superiority on the part of the colonizers, heavy immigration, and an uncompromising religious approach (Christianssen 1980: 100–104; Johnson 1975: 545–585). Instituto Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Madrid. CARRILLO CÁZARES, ALBERTO 1991 “Chusquis naquis” un indio escribano, artífice de “títulos primordiales” (La Piedad siglo XVIII). For this they have their captains and overseers, whom they call telpochtlatoque.8 And it is permitted, seeing how there is no superstition in it, but just an ancient custom. The retention of tzimin over centuries (see Restall n.d.: 419) might be seen as consonant with generally slower movement in the Maya sphere, but I would not make too much of such a notion, since Nahuatl retained several Stage 1 expressions for European animals indefinitely even though it did soon go over to a loanword for horse. For example, line 2, Phuña phuñacha/ cha|kichallaman, has a scannable break after phuñacha and an audible pause after the first syllable of chakichallaman. In that era and context it was not a requirement to cite one’s source, and, in fact, well-known Spanish chroniclers borrowed freely from each other without acknowledging what they were doing; why should we expect to find any more scrupulous procedure among indigenous authors (see Borah 1984: 29)? School of American Research, Santa Fe, and the University of Utah, Salt Lake City. The Spaniards will come, they will become your friends, compadres [co-parents], and in-laws, they will bring money, and with that, they will go taking away little by little all the lands that are found here” (AGN T 3032, 3: 215r–v). The lineage descending from the creation of the universe to the sacred king or chief is the line of communication establishing his power as a “force of nature” responsible for the reproduction of society. Nativist religion, mirroring the absolutist categories of the colonial enterprise, saw itself as a collective endeavor with a collective purpose.The chastity of women ministers held special significance in a religious movement that queried the legitimacy of Iberian culture and, then, searched to define its own virtues. Anales Científicos 3. I assume from the context that he was Nahua, but this is not specified. At the same time, the native population proves resilient and capable of absorbing the foreign ruling elite. AVENDAÑO Y LOYOLA, ANDRÉS DE 1987 Relation of Two Trips to Peten Made for the Conversion of the Heathen Ytzaex and Cehaches (Charles B. Bowditch and Guillermo Rivera, trans. 25a One of a pair of aquillas from the Atocha, before 1622. By this clock they sow and harvest the crops in this kingdom. One such institution was the Aztec “Triple Alliance” that, according to interpretations of the documents, was the structure for shared imperial governance prior to the coming of the Spanish. Sexual politics had broad implications in the seventeenth-century Andes, particularly when churchmen believed that the very basis of colonial order (civilization) would be destroyed if Indians did not practice family values their way. Through their pious words and pious performances, the Nahuas actively represented themselves as Christians while retaining many of the moods, movements, and media that had constituted their traditional religiosity. That native institutions simply might not be in any direct way reducible to Spanish categories, or that translation itself might be problematic, were possibilities rarely discussed.10 Judges, with that ingrained linguistic ethnocentrism noted by Greenblatt (1990: 26–31), routinely assumed native institutions to have obvious categorical equivalents in Spanish or in Hispano-Quechua administrative jargon. Public shaming included punishments meted out to convicted Indian heretics, who were first whipped and then dragged through village streets while the town crier denounced their sins of idolatry or concubinage (e.g., Duviols 1971: 385; AAL: leg. Department of Linguistics, University of Texas, Austin. Institute of Latin American Studies Research Papers 21. In his Historia de la nación Chichimeca (early seventeenth century), he credited only the Texcocan tlatoani, Nezahualcoyotl, with the creation of the alliance following the defeat of Azcapotzalco. Such conceptions might have granted legitimacy to Nahua patterns of religion. Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico. University of Texas Press, Austin. PEASE, FRANKLIN 1981 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala: Mitos andinos e historia occidental. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico. The notarial tradition was rooted in the precontact profession of community record-keeping, yet it proved a fine mirror for reflecting evolving Spanish language-contact phenomena (and the social changes that underlay them) in the course of the colonial period. According to Palomino Flores (1971), the church of Sacsamarca contains two statues of the Virgin of the Assumption, the patroness of the town. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J. BEN-AMI, AHARON 1969 Social Change in a Hostile Environment: The Crusaders’ Kingdom of Jerusalem. My thinking and reading of colonial documents have been greatly influenced by my discussions with Joanne Rappaport. 157 Elizabeth Hill Boone and Sahagún) “took particular care to inform themselves of the habits and customs of these people, and they could do this better than is now possible, for they knew aged Indians who could help them, and the picture writings were still sound and whole. The religious books focused on humankind’s relationships with the supernatural and natural, which to the Nahuas were of the same world. “May, they take the food to the storehouses.” Workers are supervised by an Inka official who is distinguishable by his headdress and Inka ear spools (after Guaman Poma 1980: 244). Brown University Press, Providence, R.I. ARZE, SILVIA, AND XIMENA MEDINACELI 1991 Imagenes y presagios el escudo de los Ayaviri, Mallkus de Charcas. Furthermore, it is not from Tepaneca historical traditions that we learn about a Triple Alliance (since these are lacking), but from the accounts of peoples who, one would think, would have little to gain by inventing Tlacopan as a third partner. ): 174–194. Barros is quoted as saying that the viceroy had not only appropriated the Inkas’ fields, but he was now ready to destroy their good name. In Amerindian Images and the Legacy of Columbus (Rene Jara and Nicholas Spadaccini, eds. ): 583–608. TEDLOCK, DENNIS 1985 Popol Vuh: The Definitive Edition of the Mayan Book of the Dawn of Life and the Glories of Gods and Kings. This was the beginning of a campaign against those lineages in the Andean elite that had collaborated with the invaders, an effort to destroy the European evidence of what the Spanish crown had once bestowed.3 The only other group to be treated so harshly by Toledo were the descendants of another wing of the Andean elite who also sided from the earliest days with the invaders. ORTÍZ DE MONTELLANO, GUILLERMO 1990 Nicán Mopouha [Nahuatl text], 2nd ed. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. Thus a thick web of reciprocally reinforcing phenomena helped the process along at any given point. In the cédula of Cusicanqui those links are presented visually in both the fictive portrait with archaic dress and the Andean elements of authority placed within the coat of arms.35 These images and coats of arms, however much they refer to traditional Andean objects, are nonetheless still European images and a part of a Spanish constructed juridical text of mercedes. HONOR’S REPRISE Spain touched off waves of societal contradictions while fabricating “Indians” as part of its design for colonial rule, as contrary gender practices merged, uneasily, with the colony’s racialized, social core. Whatever earlier roots these Metepec papers might have, the existing “codex” may have emerged in the 1640s, very close to Lockhart’s estimation of their association with Stage 3 (post-1650) phenomena. . . It may be significant, however, that Cortés took the tlatoque of these three cities with him on his Guatemalan expedition and executed them all in 1525 (Cuauhtemoc of Tenochtitlan, Coanacoch of Texcoco, and Tetlepanquetzal of Tlacopan; Cortés 1971: 518; Gibson 1964: 155). Knopf, New York. . Most of the highland population could have remained in something more like Stage 1 or Stage 2 indefinitely. In time, Llacsa Misa had the aborigine marry his own sister Cuno Cuyo, and so Yasali became a forefather of the reconstituted village. 26 Christian month of January. .” 9 10 304 The Inka and Christian Calendars in Early Colonial Peru or village supervisor,12 inspected people’s houses and property. ADORNO, ROLENA 1986 Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru. The renowned legal scholar of Peru, Juan de Solórzano, holding comparable sentiments later in the seventeenth century, inveighed against mestizos’ dishonor—their flawed nature, the product of an impure and soiled birth (1972 [vol. While there were some ad hoc instances of warfare waged by only the “Alliance” cities, the sources are contradictory regarding which battles were so fought. DE FORD 1979 Los cuentos en náhuatl de doña Luz Jiménez. Caciques also formed factions with relatives or other social, political, or economic allies, and fought rival factions for power or wealth (Haskett 1991: 37–41, 83, 146). In Visita de los valles de Sonqo ( John Murra, ed. Sabemos que estás extrañándonos (nosotros también), por eso hemos creado una carta con una selección de tus favoritos Una... Green Point Cusco - Presentamos … . One pantli represents a unit of twenty, while one tzontli represents a unit of four hundred. Prometi- (p. 42) clearly involves i and e merging, since i would not appear in any form in Spanish. SPALDING, KAREN 1984 Huarochirí: An Andean Society under Inca and Spanish Rule. It must be remembered, however, that the Andes of all the regions of America had the strongest tradition of draft rotary labor from the beginning, involving the longest work periods and the greatest distances traveled, and it was no accident that the repartimiento here took on a Quechua name. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico. CLIFFORD, JAMES 1988 The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art. I was fortunate to be able to benefit from the wisdom of an excellent group of comrades/seminarians. ): 155–165. Fig. This meant that, among other losses, a reduced number of people were 13 I have seen the copy of the codex (RARE F 1219 .C6535 LAL) held by the Latin American Library at Tulane University, New Orleans. . In seventeenth-century Spain and Europe, crimes of fornication increasingly made their appearance in Church dockets (Perry 1990: 18–136; Kamen 1985: 202–206); they hold a similarly prominent place among crimes punished by Peru’s Inquisition (Medina 1959; Lea 1908: 451).4 Idolatry extirpators combing Indian settlements in the Department of Lima were not only on the lookout for idols, but for all kinds of sexual crimes—the “bad customs” that were believed to be wedded to deviltry. Smurfit Carton y Papel de México, Mexico. His account of Inka history and social organization includes a description of the twelve months of the year and of the sacred actions that the Inkas performed during each month, and the second part of his Corónica, consisting of a history of Christian Peru, ends with an account of the twelve months of the Christian year and of the agricultural tasks that were performed in them. Antigua Librería de Andrade y Morales, Sucesores, Mexico. This allowed an extra emphasis on the genealogical tie (considered as 289 Frank Salomon legal inheritance of property) almost to the exclusion of other facets. ): 103–142. . Fig. University of Texas Press, Austin. ORÉ, LUIS JERONIMO DE 1598 Symbolo Catholico Indiano, en el qual se declaran los mysterios de la fe. The remaining figures show four birds quartering the horse (see Fig. See Popol Vuh 475 Index Quincentennial, 1, 449, 459 exhibitions, 1 quipu, quipus, 280, 336, 337. 171 Elizabeth Hill Boone Fig. The histories, too, reconnected people with their ancestors, and they glorified a polity’s past stature. Private collection. Español . More than one hundred years passed during which the natives of Pachacamac worked the fields of their encomendero in Lima, and illiterate settlers preserved and transmitted their highly charged religious message of faith and hope from one ethnic group to another. The use of “Don” meant a great deal to those with a right to it; Coyotzin would not have been so cavalier with it, particularly in association with his own name. Yet, behind their attacks on Andean lifestyles and sensibilities lurked the difficulty of drawing a clear distinction between those aspects of a ritual that expressed beliefs incompatible with Christianity, and those that did not. And cities and villages were built, and the number of ministers of Christ multiplied.”11 The Slavic population had been reduced in number, as some were killed, others were pushed into different areas, and others were sold as slaves. 18 León-Portilla (1969: 24–25) and Baudot (1983: 54–56) point out that a December 1533 cédula officially ordered such an ethnographic investigation, perhaps after the fact but on the suggestion of Ramírez de Fuenleal. 15 Detail of lliklla: encapsulation of the quartering of Thupa Amaru by the condor motif. .” (Paz y Mélia 1892: 45). 21 Tira de Tepexpan, pp. 13 for a similar mixture of old and new components) (after Guaman Poma 1980: 1051). 3 The notion of authenticity as well as originality is something that has hounded the study of colonial art in all of its manifestations in a more dogged manner than that of its European counterpart. Historia Mexicana 39: 603–605. he presented a drawing or painting upon sisal cloth, representing the suit or question upon which he had come, and pointed out the grounds for his claim with a thin polished stick. These colonial documents created for the courts drew on the store of existing cadastral plans, censuses, and tax and tribute rolls from the altepetl archives. Both picture and glyphicly name the property owner, and both indicate glyphicly the type of the soil (Williams 1984, 1991).26 The cadasters here are in the form of registers, but many (I would venture to say perhaps most) land records were maintained in a map format, like that of the Oztoticpac Lands Map. Early colonial life is understood principally through the documentary record: through the conscious histories and reports of the Indian, mestizo, and Spanish chroniclers and the mundane administrative records required by and still preserved within the Spanish and colonial administrative systems. Month of Labor. 3 Inscription in Luis de Riaño, Beatizo de Cristo, commemorating the construction of the church in Andahuaylillas, under Pérez Bocanegra, 1626. 5). The incorporation of the loanword for April, however, was standard for most of the colonial period. MOLINA, CRISTÓBAL DE 1943 Fábulas y ritos de los Incas. That is, the fundamental categories that constitute religious belief, the most fiercely contested area of tradition by the Spaniards, maintain certain traditional principles even as they are used to articulate Christian ideology. ), side B. MEISCH, LYNN A. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. Our partners will collect data and use cookies for ad targeting and measurement. Super ricas las hamburguesas de lentejas con puré, hongos con papas fritas y torta de chocolate (: Votación a favor Votación … In the creation of these land titles we see clearly that paintings continue in the minds of the Nahuas to be fundamental documents. Each person responded under oath (employing the borrowed term “Jorameto”), in turn, “why, yes,” and “took the cross” (AGN T 2860, 1, cuad. MONTOTO DE SEDES, SANTIAGO 1927 Nobiliario hispano-americano del siglo XVI. Finally, in July, the annual redistribution of fields took place. n.d. Corporate Adjustments in Colonial Mexican Indian Towns: Toluca Region, 1550–1810. Rather, I am interested in how the general praxis orientation of Nahua religion informed the Nahuas’ ways of becoming and being Christian as well as informing the ways in which their Christianity was described and interpreted by the friars who presided over their religious life. KUBLER, GEORGE 1961 On the Colonial Extinction of the Motifs of Pre-Columbian Art. The basic prices depended on the size and weight of the piece, but the price could go up if the piece were worked. Furthermore, he produced two drawings of Cuzco, one a view of its center, and the other a detail of certain sacred buildings and storehouses (Figs. The Spaniards were not merely latter-day Aztecs and Inkas conquering territory that had been conquered before, and the Encounter that is mentioned so much in Quincentennial literature did not eventuate in equality for both sides. CONCLUSION Doña Luz Jiménez was the second, the greatest, and up to now the last known woman writer in the postcontact history of Nahuatl prose.The present tension between the men and women writers in the Maya writers’ cooperative raises the question of what we might find if we could travel forward into the twenty-first century. 323 Sabine MacCormack Fig. Biblioteca de autores españoles tomo 185. The reason for the difference is not primarily the place of the Andean region in any sequence at any particular time, but the lack in the Andean highlands of the strong Mesoamerican tradition wherein a splendid stone temple was the primary symbol of the sociopolitical unit. 1425/1430. . As Zorita (1963: 87) was later to describe it, three Franciscan friars (certainly Olmos, Motolinía, 17 The responses to this cédula include the “Información sobre los tributos” of 1554 (cognate with the Codex Mendoza and Matricula de Tributos), several letters, and eventually Zorita’s own Breve relación of the 1560s (Keen in Zorita 1963: 54, 277, 285). These are explained in detail in Mannheim (1995a). Even further, was not the European interpretation of the oracle figures at Pachacamac and other sites visited by Pizzaro’s band of conquistadors based upon their own understanding of the Delphic manner in which images “speak” through someone? Recent studies indicate that the boundaries of political groupings were not aligned with the tributary divisions of the empire (Carrasco 1991; Hicks 1992). SALLNOW, MICHAEL J. The second idol, a stone with an “extremely ugly body” and a headful of curled snakes, was named Copacati. See Molina 1943: 29f, for the beginning of Citua; 44, for the days of the festival; see also 25, for the beginning of the year and of the different months on the first day of the new moon. Fig. One of his wives was Urpay Huachac, the mother of marine fish and fowl (Taylor 1987). Above I said that Maya shows close equivalents of the Nahua Stage 3 phenomena, as indeed it does, but our evidence about one important aspect—the calques by which the Nahuas translated Spanish idioms—is so slight as to make us wonder if they were lacking, at least until recently. What is the relevance of all this to the topic at hand? 5). Thus it was that merchants were the main carriers of that other strain in European expansion and colonization, that is, accommodation and openness to other peoples and cultures. As in many of the societies that Gellner (1988: 16–17) groups under the title “agraria,” the Pre-Hispanic highland villagers of Huarochirí felt themselves in such strained relation to resources that struggle over water and irrigable land seemed to them inevitable (Espinoza Soriano 1981; Netherly 1984; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1988: 53–67; Torero 1974: 104–107).3 Accordingly they expressed an intense, self-conscious need to retain and control the productive structures created by earlier generations. 3: chap. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. 1990 The Fundo Legal or Lands Por Razón de Pueblo: New Evidence from Central New Spain. Indeed research has not fully sounded these deposits. Now we turn to some of the uneasy and perhaps surprising ways they became part of Andeans’ lives.11 GUAMAN POMA: WOMEN’S VIRTUE, SOCIAL PURITY, AND THE POLITICS OF INDIAN SURVIVAL An ideology of chastity, honor, and purity of blood deeply colored Guaman Poma’s vision of social order and social justice. Journal of Folklore Research 27: 51–66. Calling Indian women “whores,” women without virtue, Guaman Poma bemoaned their treachery and betrayal: Some [of these Indian women], since they have been cooks for the priest or encomendero or corregidor, or any Spaniard, [and] has been [sic] a servant, mistress, or had a child by him, or has fornicated with a Spaniard, mestizo or negro, mulato, these aforementioned Indian women end up being liars, thieves, great whores, lazy. WOOD, STEPHANIE 1989 Don Diego García de Mendoza Moctezuma: A Techialoyan Mastermind? 6 Pattern I: Pérez Bocanegra’s versification: “verso sáfico.” Legend, Figs. Manuscripts from Atlauhtla (AGN T 2674, 1: 10r [twice], Chalco) and Ocoyoacac (AGN T 2998, 3: 31v, Toluca Valley), also employ the final “c” when spelling arzobispo. The Codex Xolotl establishes Texcoco’s right to its territory, opening with a foundation story virtually parallel to that in the Cuauhtinchan map, although more elaborate. Mama is named by Dávila Briceño (1965), corregidor in Huarochirí in 1586, as another wife of Pachacamac; she was an ancient divinity whose temple was located at the confluence of the Rimac and Santa Eulalia rivers.The third wife was Pachamama, the Earth Mother, according to a late account collected by Villar Córdoba (1933) in the region of Canta. “Family values” is part of a larger work in progress focusing on the cultural dimensions of colony-building in seventeenth-century Peru. In it walked a boy and girl, both most exquisitely dressed, with a number of ladies distinguished by their “great poise and nobility.” At the end came six men carrying digging sticks with another six carrying sacks of potatoes who were also beating drums. In The Horns of Hattin (B. Texas Linguistic Forum 26. .” (Polo de Ondegardo 1916 [1571]). In Obras de Robert H. Barlow ( Jesús Monjarás-Ruiz, Elena Limón, and María de la Cruz Paillés H., eds.) 6 Portrait of Tupa Inka Yupanqui and Cusicanqui coat of arms, after 1545. Colonized Peruvians took up family values in a variety of ways: they could become standards to judge and criticize the colonial experience, as well as inspirations for a gamut of political strategies. 32 At least two Techialoyan manuscripts were ordered burned in the first years of the eighteenth century (see Wood 1989). See Wood n.d.a. 20 The Many Faces of Medieval Colonization of Saxony in 1108: “[The Slavs] are an abominable people, but their land is very rich in flesh, honey, grain, birds, and abounding in all products of the fertility of the earth, when cultivated, so that none can be compared unto it. KARTTUNEN, FRANCES, AND JAMES LOCKHART 1976 Nahuatl in the Middle Years: Language Contact Phenomena in Texts of the Colonial Period. There is an obvious functional point. In reaction to a sense of being wronged by anthropologists who collect and carry off information, apparently to their own profit and not to the communities’, the Tzotzil Maya began a project to preserve their own oral history and traditional lore. SIBERRY, ELIZABETH 1985 Criticism of Crusading, 1095 –1274. Nevertheless, each vein does continue to maintain certain distinguishable characteristics. But the three stages do have enough of a basis in logical, expectable distinctions that one is moved at least to look for them elsewhere. Human and animal sacrifices were, of course, forbidden; self-mortification took the form of self-flagellation rather than bloodletting.Yet even in these new and modified forms of devotion we can see the continuity with the Pre-Columbian ceremonial cycle: collective, public performances conducted by social groups within a calendrically-determined ceremonial period, during which temporary manifestations of a divine presence were effected through the ritualized investment and divestment of persons, images, and spaces with sacred regalia. 212 Fig. Also see Stolcke (n.d.) for a discussion of the implications of these concerns regarding questions of race and virginity in the Spanish colonies. 4 Valadés’s diagram of the evangelical process as an idealized Franciscan establishment. por medio de los cantares y cuentos conservan muchas idolatrías y fantásticas grandezas de sus antepasados, de que resulta aborrecer a los españoles. 5). In Cantuta. 9–9v) Nativist religious practices were exuberantly anticolonial: while Andean huacas were celebrated, Andean foods prized, and Andean rituals exalted, Spanish gods were condemned, Spanish products banned, and Spanish rites vilified. 341 Sabine MacCormack MISSALE SECUNDUM 1493 Missale Secundum consuetudinem curie romane. The song, which has no title, begins with the image of red phallcha (gentian) flowers offered to the feet of the Christ child; for convenience’s sake, I will refer to it as the phallcha song. SNYDER, GARY 1983 Ax Handles. . 6, exp. 4 Pictorial image from the títulos of San Antonio Soyatzinco (Chalco region). Ñukñu ruruq chunta mallki Runakunap munay kallcha 75 Pukay-pukay zumaq phallcha Sut’arpu tukuchiq khallki T’itu wach’iq nawillayki Qispi wampu 14. This complementary duality expressed the social division of the Copacabana community expressed in the Andean moiety terms of Hanan and Hurin. Photograph courtesy of the Archer M. Huntington Art Gallery, University of Texas at Austin, acc. 1975 Techialoyan Manuscripts and Paintings with a Catalog. See also Cuauhtitlan of Puebla, 427, 428 anonymous annalist of, 426 of Tlaxcala, 428 Appadurai, Arjun, 94 aquilla, aquillas, 114, 116, 122, 123, 124, 125–130, 133, 134, 458 Arguedas, José María, 383, 386 artisan-painters, 346 Atahualpa Andean concept of book as gift, 97, 142 Atlauhtla, 211, 214 títulos of, 215 Atocha, 122, 124, 128, 130, 458 silver bowl, 131 silver plate, 120–122 Atunpucuy. At the same time, the Africans became major agents in the melding of Pachacamac with the Christian faith. In one sense, missionaries themselves stood in the way in their inability to envision, beyond the conversion of Andean individuals, the accommodation of Christian culture to Andean history and society. BAUDRILLARD, J. Fraud and perjury in Indian testimonies were common occurrences. 427 Frances Karttunen Huejotzingo is rich in parallelisms and metaphors. Guaman Poma knew of and regularly mentioned Pacaritambo and Guanacauri, both of which figure in the Inka myth of origins (Fig. See also Inka incantation. The three lists are distinguished by the different formulas used to divide the tribute. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. SEIBOLD, KATHARINE 1992 Textiles and Cosmology in Choquecancha, Peru. Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza, Ramírez de Fuenleal’s successor, continued this official interest. 19, 352), Murúa (1946, bk. 32 Colonial unku, 17th century. In Lucha por la supervivencia en América colonial (David G. Sweet and Gary B. Nash, eds. It appears to me that at least two distinct indigenous literary traditions took shape in these formative years, one overt and the other covert, and in both we can trace the strands of continuity and change. Thus, the volume focuses more on the internal cultural life of Indian peoples and less on the formal relations of their corporate communities to the outside. The fourth and final part of the chapter summarizes the genealogy of the five groups descended from the founding heroes. 1).1 Primordial titles are indigenous-language, municipal histories containing extensive descriptions of the communities’ territorial boundaries and landholdings. XIV). Texts, in the form of documentary sources, are essential for the kinds of study of continuity and change that this volume contains.Texts were also important for the postconquest peoples themselves, who used them as tools in maintaining their self-identity. . AND TRANS.) This provided room for a vision of the Andean past that was compatible with that scheme while also retaining some of its own characteristics. In Learning to Curse: Essays in Early Modern Culture: 16–39. By way of declaring that Indians were to be included in the history of humanity from the very beginning, Guaman Poma placed a llama in the ark of Noah (1980: 24). Here Durán contradicts Valadés, who, in the passage quoted earlier, states that this practice was the responsibility of no one in particular. 30v, ca. GAVILÁN VEGA, VIVÍAN, AND ULLOA TORRES, LILIANA 1992 Proposiciones metodológicas para el estudio de los tejidos andinos. The action you just performed triggered the security solution. The publisher of the last mentioned item was Plantin, a press that regularly published books for use in Spain. El Mejor Restaurante del Mundo!!! 12 Coat of arms conceded in 1563 by Philip II to Felipe Guacarpaucar, kuraka of Xauxa (after Paz y Mélia 1892: fig. 1, vol. Studies on Culture and Society 2. 1914 Documentos inéditos del siglo XVI para la historia de México. Historia y Cultura 12: 50– 73. Then, Toledo wrote directly about Hernando Pillohuanca: as the said “visitador” states according to his opinion [Hernando Pillohuanca] to be of age, ability, and capacity, and of good example for occupying the said cacicazgo consistent with what is said, therefore using the powers invested in me by his majesty I give favor to the said sir Hernando Pillohuanca . 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